Large counties should stop electing judges



Voters can't cast informed ballots with so many candidates

By GERALD BIRNBERG Copyright 2008 Houston Chronicle
Dec. 6, 2008


In the aftermath of the defeat of 23 incumbent Republican judges in 
the general election, there has been an outcry from local Republicans 
excoriating the selection of judges by partisan elections.
Funny, I never heard those protestations when the Republicans were 
sweeping partisan judicial elections in Harris County for the 
preceding fourteen years. Yet now that Democrats have broken through 
and been elected to countywide benches, the process of selecting 
jurists in this manner is widely condemned by Republicans as a 
terrible way to run a legal system.
Notwithstanding the transparent hypocrisy of that Republican 
epiphany, I actually agree that there are better ways to select 
judges than partisan elections. At the outset, I want to be clear: 
The group of Democratic judges the voters elected on November 4 are 
high quality, well qualified, first-class lawyers who will all be 
excellent jurists. Harris County did a wonderful job of electing an 
exceptional crop of terrific new judges. In that respect, the system 
worked.
The problem is that that result obtained despite the voters, not 
because of them. There were 83 judicial candidates seeking approval 
from the voters countywide in Harris County on November 4. Not even 
the most determined and responsible voter could possibly learn enough 
about each of them to make fully informed decisions about all of 
them. So, such irrational factors as name became determinates of who 
our judges will be. Fully qualified Democrats named "Mekisha" and 
"Goodwille" and "Ashish" were less acceptable to voters than equally 
qualified and competent Democrats bearing more common names.
The goal of choosing the "right" candidate for judicial office is 
further undermined by ethical rules which prevent judicial candidates 
from commenting on any topic which might conceivably come before them 
on the bench. So, for example, a candidate cannot tell the electing 
public whether he or she believes that a Bible should, or should not, 
be displayed at the courthouse entrance or whether he of she favors 
or opposes hate-crime legislation or laws regulating abortion, or 
whether he or she thinks that jury verdicts for personal injury 
plaintiffs have been too high or too low. Yet undeniably such 
information, if known, could be important considerations for certain 
voters.
Now, the fact that a candidate aligns himself or herself with one 
political party or another is useful information in understanding the 
core values and principles that define a person and likely will 
inform his or her decisions to some degree. So, if we are going to 
elect judges at all, partisan designations at least give voters some 
information to go on in making selections at the ballot box.
Moreover, the party primary process provides a second mechanism (in 
addition to the general election) for voters to weed out unacceptable 
candidates, and party label is not a factor in winning a primary 
election: All candidates in a party's primary are, by definition, 
members of that party. So the candidates who appear on the general 
election ballot have already prevailed in an electoral process that 
depended on something other than an "R" or a "D" beside their names. 
Thus, the fact that party designation can be a consideration in 
judicial selection at a general election, is not, in and of itself, a 
matter of great concern to me. On the contrary, if we are going to 
continue to elect judges, partisan affiliation seems to me to be an 
imperfect, but relevant, selection criterion.
But such things as name, race, gender, religion or ethnicity should 
not determine whether a particular lawyer serves as a judge. While 
diversity of the judiciary is crucially important to the credibility, 
integrity and effectiveness of the justice system, old-fashioned 
prejudice and bias should have no place in choosing who among us 
should preside over legal disputes. Yet electing judges as we 
presently do creates an intolerable risk of precisely that result. It 
also enhances the prospects that something as arbitrary and 
capricious as name will influence some voters' decisions decisively, 
as it appears to have done in the 2008 general election, and that 
result is unacceptable.
So here's my judicial selection plan: I think we should establish a 
system similar to the one just adopted by California voters to reduce 
partisanship in redistricting. Here's how it would work: In each 
judicial district, a Judicial Selection Committee would be impaneled. 
The committee would consist of 21 residents of the district — eight 
selected by the Democratic Executive Committee in the district, eight 
selected by the Republican Executive Committee in the district, and 
five Independents (citizens who have not voted in a Democratic or a 
Republican primary election in the past six years) selected by the 
local bar associations in the area. At least two Judicial Selection 
Committee members from each selection group must be non-lawyers. The 
committee would select judges from applicants seeking open positions 
(who would, of course, provide resumes, letters of recommendation and 
anything else they, or the committee, deem relevant or helpful). A 
vote of at least 14 members of the committee (two-thirds of its 
members) would be required for the candidate to be selected to become 
a judge.
Now here's the important part: The candidate must receive the votes 
of at least three (or four) members selected by the Democrats, three 
(or four) members selected by the Republicans, and two independents 
to be elected judge. In other words, the candidate must be acceptable 
to a substantial number of committee members from both political 
parties and independents. That should assure that quality, 
competence, experience, temperament, intellect and reputation trump 
partisan association in the selection of judges.
What if a stalemate occurs and the committee cannot agree on a 
selection within a specified period of time? In that case, half of 
the committee members from each group (selected at random) would be 
permanently replaced on the committee by new appointees selected by 
the respective executive committees or bar associations. That should 
motivate committee members to reach reasonable accommodations and 
consensus.
Once selected, a judge would serve for five years. After that, he or 
she could be reappointed for one additional five-year term. That 
decision, however, would be made by a Judicial Retention Committee, 
different from, but selected in the same manner as, the Judicial 
Selection Committee. Retention committee members would be chosen no 
sooner than 60 days before the retention decision must be made (to 
avoid incumbent judges currying favor with, or threatening, committee 
members considering their fate).
Votes of committee members would be secret, to shield them and their 
associates from retribution or pressure. And the whole plan would be 
implemented only in counties with more than 20 judges elected 
countywide. Voters in smaller counties and with fewer judicial 
candidates on the ballot can probably get to know all of them 
sufficiently to be able to cast more fully informed votes than voters 
in counties with 50 or 100 judicial candidates on the ballot.
No method of selecting judges is perfect, and this one certainly has 
its flaws. And I hasten to add that it is not the official (or even 
the unofficial) position of the Democratic Party; on the contrary, 
the 2008 Platform of the Texas Democratic Party specifically supports 
"continuing to elect judges," although the platform also urges "the 
nomination and appointment of qualified, competent persons to serve 
as judges." The ideas contained in this article are entirely my own, 
personal views, not those of the Democratic Party.
But I believe this system would, among other virtues, eliminate the 
need for judges to raise substantial sums of money to finance 
expensive election campaigns, with the resulting potential for the 
perception of taint or corruption and undermining of public 
confidence in the impartiality of the judiciary. And it would 
minimize the possibility of irrelevant or irrational considerations 
(such as name) seriously impacting the judicial selection process. 
And it just might increase voter participation in elections by 
allowing electors to get to know more about other candidates on the 
ballot (such as legislators or county administrative officers) and 
not feeling overwhelmed by a ballot dominated by scores of judicial 
candidates.
It might also liberate incumbent judges to be true to the principles 
and values that got them selected in the first place, rather than 
incentivizing them to become increasingly beholden to partisan or 
special interest groups whose support may be crucial to re-election.
Any new idea which achieves all of these benefits would be welcome by 
this Democrat.

Birnberg is chairman of the Harris County Democratic Party.

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